Central Asia Caucasus Analyst

BIWEEKLY BRIEFING Wednesday/September 12, 2001

WHY GUUAM?
Elin Suleymanov

It is only natural to ask what unites GUUAM, its five states being as diverse as countries get in the region: one member is a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and another part of the South-East Europe Stability Pact. The most obvious answer that they are united by the past can be misleading, as a much more important common denominator of GUUAM seems to be the desire of its members to break free from that past.

BACKGROUND: The formation and consolidation of GUUAM is unique in Eurasia for the simple reason that it is a voluntary union of five states acting in an independent manner. This voluntary nature of the group is of paramount significance for it sets a precedent of integration based not so much on pressure from a stronger state, but on an understanding of the member-states ' national interests. Proponents of the CIS, hastily invented following the USSR's collapse, often refer to cooperation among EU countries as an example of healthy integration processes in the world. Yet the CIS is fundamentally different from the EU. An integration process among independent and equal partners in Europe does not compare to an attempt to dominate emerging nations by a former center, including attempts to impose its troops in the process. In terms of regional integration patterns, GUUAM's very existence represents a welcome change from the post-Soviet style of the CIS and similar groupings. As Paul Goble said at the recent CSIS seminar in Washington, GUUAM provides its members with an opportunity to act as "normal states." Moreover, even the limited joint initiatives within the group's framework indicate its members' readiness to undertake responsibilities in a variety of spheres usually reserved for more established states. For example, the actual participation of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Ukraine in international peacekeeping operations, discussions among GUUAM members on securing regional transport corridors, and joint anti-trafficking efforts are examples of this.

IMPLICATIONS: This readiness to undertake responsibility provides the US with an opportunity to develop a mutually beneficial partnership with a group of countries that shares similar fundamental values. Not seizing on this historic opportunity for partnership would be unfortunate as well as counterproductive for the promotion of western values throughout the region. Therefore, western support for GUUAM is crucial as an endorsement of what the group represents and as an encouragement for the opportunities it opens. Countries of GUUAM spread along the ancient Silk Road and make up the backbone of the Transportation Corridor Europe- Caucasus - Asia (TRACECA). As such, they are an important economic gateway to Caucasus and Central Asia. Just as important is their role as a gateway for progressive social changes and political transformation in the entire Caspian region. GUUAM countries, including its easternmost members, see themselves within a wider European framework. The significance of this vision against the background of the spread of 'Eurasianism', which capitalizes on differences between the Euro-Atlantic region and countries of Eurasia, should not be underestimated. If stressing differences leads to isolation, finding common values and principles with Western partners, while recognizing the existing diversity, helps to apply these values and principles both at home and in the neighborhood. A common but incorrect assumption regarding GUUAM is its anti-Russian nature. While the group was indeed born from the efforts of member-states to oppose excessive concentrations of troops on their territories and in their vicinity during the CFE negotiations in 1996, all GUUAM countries recognize Russia's importance and key role in the region. Asserting one's national interests can run against Moscow's, or for that matter, some other capital's wishes at a given moment, but GUUAM's objective not opposing anyone but enhancing cooperation among its members. Similarly, Russia's long-term interests are served better by its neighbors becoming stronger, responsible partner-states rather than by facing perpetual instability and being weak and dependent countries.

Significantly, all of GUUAM's official documents reflect the intention to build relationships, both within the group and with the states outside it, on principles of international law. Adherence to international law can set a good example in a region where this is regrettably still not a universal norm. The most recent reminder of this was the meeting of representatives of separatist regimes, held on Azerbaijan's territories occupied by Armenia.

In fact, Armenia's open support and Russia's apparent blessing for these extremists hostile to Azerbaijan, Georgia and Moldova, respectively, represent an unfortunate remnant of irresponsible behavior and a short-sighted attempt of pressure.

CONCLUSIONS: Expanding GUUAM can be a positive development for it would also mean expanding 'the anti-imperial change', which the group represents, in the words of Zbigniew Brzezinski. Yet, here too the rule of law, so often praised, should apply in practice. In terms of GUUAM, just as of any other international organization, it would mean that its members should subscribe to the founding principles outlined in the Charter. For a country willing to join and sharing these principles, GUUAM's doors should be open. GUUAM's future certainly depends on its members and the progress of the concrete cooperative initiatives they undertake. However, the group's success or failure is also likely to greatly depend on the extent of U.S. support and encouragement. Its member states have shown that, in spite of many challenges, they are willing and able to work together in order to promote positive changes in their region. Hopefully, GUUAM's western partners are able to recognize the group's promising potential and help to realize it.

AUTHOR BIO: Elin Suleymanov is Press Officer at the Embassy of Azerbaijan in Washington, DC. Views expressed are his own and are not necessarily endorsed by the Embassy.